Jesuit Education in Japan: Pre-War History of Sophia University
By Daniela Baeumler
Abstract: By the beginning of 1940, German catholic missionaries in Japan have established more than 100 educational and social facilities in Japan. The sole university founded by Jesuits before World War II is Sophia University in the center of Tokyo, which is often regarded as German because of the language of instruction and many of the teaching Jesuits coming from Germany. Established in 1913 as Jōchi daigaku, and later named Sophia University, it received its official status as a university in 1928.
This research aims to determine the intention of Jesuits on influencing Japan’s higher education and how their structure falls into place. In detail, it asks: What is the structure of Sophia University from the time of establishment as a university to the beginning of World War II and what was its place in the Japanese higher education setting?
Based on Sophia University’s own publications, as well as other publications about the university, supported by literature about Jesuits principles on education and primary documents, e.g. letters written by Germans living in Japan, this project analyses the development of this educational institution in pre-World War II Japan.
Keywords: Jesuit missionaries in Japan, Sophia University, Jesuit education, private university, catholic university, internationalization
Outline:
Introduction: A short description of the Establishment of the Jesuits and Christianity in Japan
Jesuit education: characteristics and goals of Jesuit education
Classes/Curriculum at Sophia University: departments, religious teaching, changes after 1928
Evaluation: media reports, internationalization, Achieved goals
Introduction
The Society of Jesus, a Catholic male religious order, emerged in 1540 under the founder Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556). At the beginning it was not planned to focus on education. However, the Jesuits gained admiration and respect as educators. As long as Jesuits are free to pursue with their principal conviction to work towards the betterment of the world they may work in many different fields, e.g. theologians, educators, philosophers, lawyers, writers, scientists.[1] Yet, education became the Society’s most important ministry. Thus, they sent all new members to public universities, e.g. Paris, Louvain, Padua, Alcalá, while they were living in residential houses that were called “colleges.”[2] Dissatisfaction with the universities’ lectures that turned out insufficient, poorly organized or anti-clerical arose so that the Society decided to hold their own classes at the “colleges” that would take place in addition to the university lectures, because “the society . . . believed that education plays the most fundamental role in creating people of service through the development of human potential.”[3]
Francis Xavier (1506–1552) met Ignatius of Loyola when they were students at the University of Paris and became one of the founding members of the Society of Jesus. In 1549, during his stay in Japan as the first Christian, he planned to “found a Catholic university through which the East and the West would be able to meet so that different cultures would be able to learn from each other.”[4] Because of aggressive Christianization the Tokugawa shogunate (1603–1867) decided to ban the Christians from Japan and restrict the contact to European foreigners to the ports of Deshima, an island in the harbor of Nagasaki. Since the other East India Trading Companies focused on their trade with India, most of the time trade was only conducted with the Dutch. During the 1620s the persecution of Christians followed so that by 1626 thousands of Christians had been executed.[5] Japan’s shogunate felt threatened by the surrounding powers and decided to “isolate” Japan as an act of self-defense after the Shimabara uprising in 1637–1638. Before the forced “opening” by the arrival of the American fleet in 1853 the Christians in Japan were in hiding. The government made many people, regardless of suspicion of being Christian, step on pictures of Jesus on the cross to prove their innocence. If they refused, they were tortured and executed.[6]
There was no possibility of contacting the Japanese Christians from European side so that their existence was only detected when missionaries from Paris were approached in 1865. In the years after another persecution followed, that included tortures, executions, and deportations. The persecution was shut down in 1873 after protests in the U.S. and Europe.[7] While Christianity was not banned anymore it was only officially recognized with the establishment of the Meiji constitution of 1889 which included religious freedom.[8] Until 1904 the Paris Foreign Mission Society were the only missionaries in Japan. Then the Spanish Dominicans were entrusted with Shikoku. The Society of the Divine Word came to Niigata in 1912 and Nagoya in 1922, and in 1915 the German Franciscans received Sapporo.[9] In 1901 Japanese Jesuits started to ask for the return of the Jesuits to Japan. A petition was sent to Rome in 1902 and in 1905 when Bishop (later Cardinal) William O’Connell (1859–1944) was in Japan he also received a similar request.[10] In a letter written by Joseph Dahlmann, Society of Jesus (S.J.) (1861–1930) during his travels in Japan to Moritz Meschler, S.J. (1830–1912), the German Assistant to the General of the Jesuits in Rome, he expressed the necessity of the presence of Jesuits in Japan: “Die französischen Pariser Missionare seien der Aufgabe speziell geistiger Präsenz nicht gewachsen; das Christentum werde gegenwärtig praktisch nur durch liberale protestantische Professoren der Richtung Harnacks vermittelt”[11] (The French Parisian missionaries were not up to the task in particular regarding the spiritual presence; Christianity was at present practically only taught by liberal Protestant professors of Harnack’s direction). The plan was to drive the westernization of Japan through the Christian Church and it would need to be present “in the intellectual dialogue of the modern age in order to be taken seriously.”[12] To establish this presence and react to the Protestant schools that already had a recognized place in the Japanese educational system[13] it was decided to found an institution of higher education in Japan.
As a result of Dahlmann’s effort he was sent back to Japan in 1908 with French Henri Boucher, S.J. (1857–1939) and English James Rockliff, S.J. (1852–1926), an endeavor that resulted in the foundation of Sophia University in 1913. The fundamental principle of the university has been and still is Christian Humanism. It aims for its students to become altruistic persons who serve instead of being served.[14] This complies with the characteristics and goals of Jesuit education. One of the universities features that stands out the most is its early internationalization. Since the beginning when Sophia University was founded by three Jesuits from England, France, and Germany it “has been playing a pioneering role as the pacesetter in the internationalization adventure in the higher education arena in Japan.”[15]
By combining data and material from primary sources, the document collection of Sophia University and literature written about the history of Sophia University this research aims to present an overview on the universities status in pre-war Japan’s education system. The goal is to determine the intention of Jesuits on influencing Japan’s higher education and how their structure falls into place. In detail, it asks: What is the structure of Sophia University from the time of establishment as a university to the beginning of World War II and what was its place in the Japanese higher education setting? To give a precise overview the topics History of Japanese Higher Education, Jesuit Aims and Goals of Education, the Foundation of Sophia University and its Progress, Classes and Curriculum at Sophia University, Sophia University’s Institutions, Publications and Outreach Efforts as well as Internationalization will be considered. Based on Sophia University’s own publications, as well as other publications about the university, supported by literature about Jesuits principles on education and primary documents, e.g. letters written by Germans living in Japan, this paper analyses the development of this educational institution in pre-World War II Japan.
A brief history of higher education in Japan (since the Meiji Restauration)
Before the Meiji Restauration in 1868 Japan’s higher education was conducted in various institutions, i.e. teaching and research institutes, private academies, and Buddhist monasteries. In 1872 the Ministry of Education (Monbushō), which was only established the year before, declared the Education System Ordinance (gaku-rei). According to this ordinance the school system would follow the American model of the time of elementary and middle school and university.[16] The first university—Tokyo University—was founded in 1877 and received the status of Imperial University nine years later. Since then, it has produced elite bureaucrats.[17] Since the Education System Ordinance turned out to be too ambitious—only one of the eight planned universities was established—the Ministry made a new Education Order in 1879.[18] In the following years other Imperial Universities surfaced across the country, e.g. Kyoto Imperial University.[19] In 1903 with the establishment of the Specialized School Law (senmon gakkō-rei) “professional schools” or “specialized schools” were established whose “mission limited to providing advanced instruction in the arts and sciences.”[20] These private “universities” provided preparatory courses and a main course of studies and began to spread, so that in the following two years 16 of these private “universities” were formed.[21] By 1912 nine Christian-affiliated “specialized schools” were established, two of those as “universities,” i.e. Rikkyo in 1907 and Doshisha in 1912.[22] Until 1918 the status as a legitimate university was restricted to public institutions, i.e. Imperial Universities (Kyoto, Tokyo, Sendai, Fukuoka), but this changed under the University Order (daigaku-rei) in 1918 (taking effect in 1919) that allowed private and prefectural as well as municipal institutions to gain university status[23]. This pattern was adapted from the European system of higher education “strongly dominated by the German articulation of academic organization”[24] and “designed to produce educated manpower to meet political and economic needs, not to create broad opportunities for social development.”[25] By 1920 the first private educational institutions achieved university status, e.g. Keio Gijuku, Waseda, Meiji and Doshisha. The most important requirement to gain the status was a “strong financial foundation,” which meant a deposit of 600,000 Yen to the Bank of Japan.[26] Additionally, the facilities that were necessary, meaning a “sufficient number of qualified full-time professors and buildings deserving of a university,” must be provided.[27]
Jesuit education – characteristics and goals
The Jesuit philosophy of education evolved: “Men and Women for Others” under Loyola. Local churches and authorities asked the Jesuits to establish schools for non-Jesuit students “when it became apparent that the Jesuit education enterprise was playing a crucial role not only as a powerful means for human and spiritual development but also as a more prominent medium for the reformation of the Church and society.”[28] Accordingly, the Society decided to commit itself to education. By 1558 the Society had established thirty-nine colleges. The characteristics Jesuits try to pass on to the students were “moral character,” the students developing a moral character, learning the theory of ethical ideal and practicing it; “adaptability,” “inner strength that stimulated the Jesuit education enterprise to maintain both a responsive dialogue with the everchanging world and an action-oriented disposition which makes it open to new chances by taking the risk of misunderstanding and even persecution rather than lying low under a safety blanket;”[29] “affirmation of the world,” to encourage students to actively take part in “human drama” instead of isolating themselves as observers;[30] and “faith and justice,” to convey an “acknowledgement of human sinfulness and of the tragedies and injustice throughout the world largely brought about by the human sinful structure, . . . take up . . . responsibilities for the betterment of this world.”[31]
To accomplish this, the shape Jesuits redeem necessary for universities is designed of seven principles:
- Leadership and Mission: for this the vice president should always be a Jesuit to allow an understanding how Jesuit aims should be incorporated into the curriculum and extracurricular activities.
- Academic Life which Reflects the Mission: “The overall commitment to research and teaching should demonstrate excellence, particularly in the liberal arts and Christian humanistic education for all students;” the institution’s commitment to faith and justice should be reflected in research in teaching.
- A Catholic Jesuit Campus Culture: “personal responsibility, respect, forgiveness, compassion, a habit (of) reflection and an integration of body, mind and soul” should be achieved.
- Service, Volunteering and Helping the Poor and Marginalized: using the pedagogical paradigm: experience, reflection, and action.
- Service to the Local Church: to contribute to the development of the local church and local community.
- Jesuit Presence: to “collaborate with other Jesuit universities throughout the world,” Jesuits in positions of administration, faculty, campus ministers.
- Integrity: “in its management practices the university should offer compensation and benefits which demonstrate a commitment to fairness, equity and the well-being of the employees.” This should concern gender, race, and ethnicity.[32]
These characteristics represent the goal for education of the Jesuits to create students that see the world in a large perspective.[33] This goal can be split further into four dimensions: (a) practical, (b) social/civic, (c) cultural/liberal, and (d) religious.
(a) The practical dimension serves the purpose of acquiring knowledge and skills that are important for job procurement.
(b) The social/civic dimension aims to develop students who pay attention to their society “so that they are prepared to serve that society and to make a difference by in turn becoming the advancers, transformers, and re-shapers of that society.”[34]
(c) The cultural/liberal dimension helps the students to evolve their potential.
(d) Regarding the religious dimension, “Ignatius viewed education not only as a source through which to acquire knowledge but also as one of the most valuable ways to motivate students to grow in faith and virtue, which might lead them to better fulfil the ultimate end of their lives on earth.”[35]
The founding of Sophia University and the first years (1903-1923)
The idea of a Catholic university in Japan reappeared with the return of the Christians in the nineteenth century. However, steps to the fulfillment were not taken until the early 1900s when Dahlmann requested for the Jesuits to officially return during his journey to Japan 1902 to 1905.[36] In the same letter to Meschler, written in 1903, he describes the contemporary situation of higher education in Japan: “Eine Universität kommt einem dringenden Bedürfnis in Japan selbst entgegen. Das Land besitzt bis jetzt nur eine vollständig ausgerüstete Universität, nämlich Tokyo; eine zweite in der Ausbildung begriffen findet sich in Kyoto. Diese beiden Universitäten können dem immensen Andrang zum höheren Studium nicht genügen. Sie sind völlig unzureichend geworden.”[37] (A university responds to an urgent need in Japan directly. So far, the country has only one fully equipped university, Tokyo, and a second one in training is in Kyoto. These two universities cannot satisfy the immense demand for higher education. They have become completely inadequate.) Dahlmann expresses his dissatisfaction with Japan’s practice of exchanging foreign teachers with Japanese nationals (in middle schools and high schools) who he finds are inadequately fulfilling their teaching qualities.[38]
A letter from Meschler to Cardinal Merry del Val (1865–1930) for the pope which aims to support Dahlmann’s observation, also provides further information on the purpose of a presence of the Society of Jesus in Japan: “the Church, founded by Christ, will restore in Christ those outstanding peoples of the Far East, the Japanese and the Chinese, who are now seeking to renew themselves in all forms of Western progress.”[39] The reasoning for the formation of the school was to establish a university (“unversitas litterarum”) of all academic areas with a Christian foundation, which according to Dahlmann was the only way for the Catholic Church to not be completely separated from the “bereits so mächtig entwickelten höheren Geistesleben” (already so immensely developed higher spiritual life) in Japan.[40] His opinion was that the Christian Church would need a “bold” action: establishing a university that can stand next to the University of Tokyo (then Tokyo Imperial University) and is equipped with all the tools of modern science and is equal or even superior in all subjects compared to the University of Tokyo.[41]
His comparison with Tokyo University did not stop there. Dahlmann proposed to use the Jesuit’s “superiority” instead of starting the school the Japanese way:[42]
- English should be the instructional language to enable a direct start—the teachers do not have to study Japanese—and to be able to offer a larger variety of classes.
- That way they could easily secure teachers who are native English speakers and are knowledgeable in their fields of study.
- The school system should be planned according to the already established system of the Tokyo Imperial University with three schools: Philosophy, History and Philology, Mathematics and Sciences.
He also proposed lecture series, scientific publications, and a cultural periodical.[43] Dahlmann explained that a “big middle school and big university” constitute the ultimate goal, but that the Society of Jesus must also be predominant in other ways and he urged: “Soll die Kirche wirklich an dem Aufschwung des Geisteslebens hervorragenden Anteil nehmen, daß es ihr möglich wird, Einfluß auf die geistigen Strömungen der höheren Gesellschaft zu gewinnen, dann darf sie keinen Augenblick mit dem Ausbau der Universität zaudern.”[44] (If the Church is really to play an outstanding part in the development of the spiritual life, so that it may have an influence on the spiritual currents of higher society, it must not hesitate for a moment to develop the University.)
In Bishop O’Connel’s talk with Japanese Prime Minister Prince Katsura Tarō (1848–1913) about a Catholic University in Tokyo, it became apparent that a Jesuit university was “welcomed on condition that the professors and management should not be exclusively French . . . (and) suggested that the Jesuits, as the order to which St. Francis Xavier had belonged and a noted international body, might be entrusted with this task.”[45] Two years later a letter by Anglican Arthur Lloyd (1852–1911), a professor of at the Tokyo Imperial University and who was dismissed from his position as president of St. Paul’s College (now Rikkyo University) in 1903 due to his belief in the primacy of the Holy See,[46] gives hints on the appearance of the university establishment. He argued that the Jesuit mission in Japan should be handled discreetly[47] and calls this procedure “a Jesuit in disguise.” In his opinion the best way to act would be for the Jesuits to come to Japan as researchers who write papers on medicine, science, and philosophy and then they could open an institute for post-graduate studies. “But let them avoid the title of University which might be construed as rivalry with the Government Institutions.”[48] Rome acknowledged his advice, but it was eventually neglected by the founders.
On 18 October 1908, the three Jesuits Rockliff, who was a Superior of the German Jesuit Society in North America prior to coming to Japan and therefore the Superior to this endeavor, Boucher, who had worked as a rector of the Jesuit establishment in Shanghai before, and Dahlmann with missionary background in India arrived in Japan. Boucher and Rockliff also acted as consultors for the Jesuit community in Japan.[49] All new members that would join the three in the following years came from Missouri with which Rockliff had been keeping up steady communication. The only exceptions were Hermann Hoffmann, S.J. (1864–1937), who took the lead after Rockliff left in 1910 to return to the U.S., and his companion Wilhem Engelen, S.J. (1872–1937) a few months after their arrival.[50] Since the mission was originally planned as an international mission with fathers of three nationalities as its first members the Japanese mission did not lie in the hands of the German Jesuits. That would follow after World War I in 1920 when Rome transferred the supervision to the General in the German province of the Society of Jesus.[51]
As the leader of the mission, Hoffmann was the person in charge of the discussion with the Ministry of Education, but he was only named as founder of the school in the documents. At a meeting in 1909, the Minister of Education discouraged a focus on Latin classes and philosophy, “rather, modern languages and support for the moral education of the young Japanese were the hopes and proposals of the Minister.”[52] New educational reforms in 1910 that ensued a stricter control of higher educational institutions, which meant private institutions would not be able to earn the same privileges as Imperial Universities and would not be officially recognized. These reforms led to confusion so that the Jesuits started planning alternatives to a university, e.g. “Academy of Sciences,” evening lectures that develop into an institute of higher learning. However, the reforms were suspended due to misunderstandings and too much opposition and the Jesuits were able to return to their original plan.[53]
Even though the idea of a Catholic university in Japan was well received in Rome, they were not interested in Dahlmann’s funding proposal of the endeavour. Therefore, Dahlmann proceeded to turn his attention towards Germany in 1908. Dahlmann succeeded in arousing the interest of the “Bishops and faithful of Germany, to collect funds for the new undertaking in Tokyo.”[54] A short absence of funds in 1909 introduced the idea of opening a high school instead but was soon disregarded.[55]
In Summer 1911 the Jesuits found a property in Kōjimachi, central Tokyo, which they acquired with foundation money in March 1912. On the property stood one house, a mansion built by the former Minister of War Viscount General Takashima Tomonosuke (1844–1916), which is now the Kulturheim. Since the one property was too small, the General convinced his neighbours to also sell their properties.[56]
Even though the Jesuits who by principle tried to avoid conflict were expecting to adapt to the Japanese educational system, their main obstacle was the incorporation of Western thought. To communicate their message appropriately they started taking classes in Japanese history, literature, and language before the school opened.[57]
When it came to the charter of Jōchi Daigaku in 1913, they did not follow through with Dahlmann’s initial plan of “superiority.” The discussion about the language of instruction was resolved. Even though they acquired English native speakers, the predominant language of instruction was going to be German. Also, they only started with two departments, philosophy (and literature), and commerce, in a two-year preparatory course and a three-year main course. The aim was to create a philosophical institute. The Jesuits assured the Ministry of Education that they would not teach religion unless it was requested by a student.[58] Article 1 of the school Jōchi Daigaku regulations, which is based on the senmon gakkō-rei, also stated the purpose of the university: “To educate young men and boys and to promote their moral, social and physical well-being.”[59] The basic aim of the university was “to provide a bridge between the cultures of East and West, introducing the one to the other.”[60] Hoffmann explained this further, for the university’s students it meant that “the University endeavours to broaden the students’ mind by bringing it in touch with a great country of the West.”[61]
The visit of the English Jesuit Bernard Vaughan (1847–1922) in February 1913, who was a close friend to King Edwards VII (1841–1910), which involved him giving lectures and receptions, might have contributed to grant the application at the Ministry of Education, thus already in March 1913 the school was established under the name “Jōchi Daigaku” (“University of Wisdom”).[62] In 1909, the name of the school had been decided on “Jochi – Sapientia” to which the General of the Jesuits agreed. Thus, when he heard that the school was called daigaku, which is commonly used for university, he raised the concern of misunderstandings.[63] Hoffmann argued that daigaku does not necessarily mean university. So, the first Catholic university in Japan, a Collegium Sapientiae (higher school of wisdom) was founded. Another problem with the name revealed itself: Jōchi “has a Buddhist flavour, so that those who first hear the name suspect it is a school for bonzes and so despise it.”[64] Also, as Jōchi is close to the Japanese word Joshi (“young woman”) media sometimes misspelled the name and might have given the impression that the school was a girls’ school. Later in 1924, students in the Greek class taught by Joseph Eylenbosch’s, S.J. (1886–1978), would declare Sophia a better name than Jōchi. Therefore, when the name was then written, it would show 上智 but with the reading ‘Sofia’.[65]
The first classes started right away in April 1913 although the new buildings would not be finished until the following year—the classes temporarily took place in the Takashima residence. Even though the school had 20 applicants[66] only 16 turned up—six enrolled in the philosophy and literature department and ten in the department of commerce. The number of students continuously increased over the next ten years, hitting 180 students in 1923.[67] The smallness of the student body enabled the “tradition of a personal, family-style education at Sophia.”[68]
By the founding ceremony on 8 December 1913, three new faculty members had joined the founders: Tsuchihashi Yachita, S.J. (1866–1965), a samurai that turned to Christianity who taught Chinese and mathematics, and Victor Gettelmann (1872–1937), a German Jesuit who studied in the U.S. teaching philosophy and English,[69] were added to the staff in 1911, while the Swiss Robert Keel, S.J. (1876–1956), started with the beginning of classes as the head of the commerce department. The American Mark McNeal, S.J. (1874–1934), who acquired funding for the university in the U.S., joined in 1914 and the Spanish Antonio Guash, S.J. (1879–1965), in 1916.[70]
Shortly after the opening of the school, World War I broke out so that the contact with Rome and Germany was interrupted. In Japan, the Jesuits did not face many problems—they could still teach even though the Germans had to stay in Tokyo and be prepared for occasional check-ins—, but the major obstacle the war caused was that the money flow from Europe decreased. This was a problem to the extent that the university could not pay monetary claims by those who helped acquiring the property.[71]
“Almost every five or six years, a new crisis arose to imperil the work of the little band of Jesuits”[72] so that only a few years after the end of the war the Great Kanto earthquake happened in 1923 that destroyed the school building in which the classrooms were located; only the ground floor remained—later the third floor was removed and the second floor newly built for classrooms of the two-year preparatory course.[73] Fortunately, the faculty building was left intact. The Jesuits received donations from Rome and America. However, because of the inflation in Germany already accumulated funds were gone.[74]
The way to establishment as university (1923–1928)
While Sophia University was working towards following the private institutions that gained university status in 1920 and acquiring the necessary funds of 500,000 Yen plus 100,000 Yen for the additional faculty, the 1923 Kanto earthquake occurred that turned out to be a major setback. The school building was destroyed and had to be rebuilt. The losses due to the earthquake accounted more than 500,000 Yen.[75] Additionally, because of hyperinflation in Germany the value of the money they had already collected fell sharply.[76] The Jesuits now required money to rebuild and to gain the university status. To raise the money the only possibility seemed to sell the Kōjimachi property and to relocate to a less expensive suburb location.[77] They received an annual grant of 500,000 lira, a loan with a five percent interest, by the General in Rome from Propaganda Fide in 1927.[78] However, they were still short on funds so that they decided to buy a property in Chitose in 1928. Before they could sell the Kōjimachi property “the General in Rome, considering the objections of some fathers that it would be a shame to give up such an advantageous location for want of money” urged for an investigation. For this purpose, he sent Augustine Bea (1881–1968), who would later become Cardinal, as an official visitor to Japan. Bea agreed that the Kōjimachi property should be kept.[79] Bea initiated the plans for the new buildings that were created by Swiss architect Max Hinder (1887–1963).[80] Funds for the buildings were acquired through a loan from the English Province of the Society of 500,000 dollars in March 1929.[81]
In 1928, the Ministry of Education revised the University Order that added another requirement: before a new department is established, a Japanese professor must be hired who had experience in the new field of study. The Jesuits started hiring more Japanese teachers, especially from Tokyo Imperial University and other famous universities. These professors could also provide support for seniors to obtain a High School Teaching Certification (kōtōgakkō kōtō-ka kyōin mushiken kentei, “Certification for Teaching High School Advanced Courses without an Examination”).[82] However, some of the teachers were only hired without giving them any regular classes.[83]
With the funds coming from the annual grant and steps taken to fulfil the other requirements, the Jesuits were able to go forward with the university charter. Sophia University, still recognized under the name Jōchi Daigaku—the name was not changed—, was granted university status on 8 May 1928.[84] After the charter the university consisted of two faculties: Faculty of Literature that included the two Departments of Philosophy and German/English Literature; and the Faculty of Commerce with the Department of Commerce. These fields of study were offered as two-year preparatory courses (yoka), three-year regular courses (honka) and graduate courses (daigakuin).[85]
Classes/curriculum at Sophia University
The university started with a two-year preparatory course, that focused on the study of German and English, and a three-year main course to study literature and philosophy or commerce in 1913,[86] a graduate course followed in 1928.[87] Until the recognition as an official university in 1928, the emphasis laid on a systematic formation at the secondary level as a “institute of higher studies” instead of a “university.”[88]
Even though the classes were relatively small in comparison with other universities, including private “universities,” teachers would only lecture—read aloud textbooks they had usually written themselves—without requiring student’s initiative. This practice was not uncommon in pre-war Japan because “’freedom’ and ‘individualism’ were considered inimical to the Imperial Way and suppressed.”[89] The classes in the literature department were dominated by German literature. With time the number of classes in German literature increased and they became more specialized while the study of philosophy became less prominent. Additionally, the study of German culture and literature became more important in the philosophy department. Without the study of the German language a student was not able to understand philosophy lectures.[90] While prior to 1928 German was the predominant language of instruction and therefore a requirement for the students, after gaining university status a larger focus was bestowed upon the English language and parallel English courses were offered.[91]
Although the Jesuits did not incorporate their religious teachings into the curriculum, a goal was still for students to start adopting the Christian belief and getting baptized. The society’s experience with environments of moral or political restraints gave them ways to circumvent the restrictions. Therefore, they did teach their Catholic worldview by offering optional classes once a week for non-Christian students and three classes a week in the dormitories.[92] Johannes Laures, S.J. (1891–1959), wrote a letter to the Jesuits in Germany about the apostolic activities he undertook at Sophia University. He explained that he approached students about religious topics individually and only after building a relationship with them beforehand, often talking about travels or Germany. Then he would advance slowly by talking about topics related to religion without pushing, e.g. stories about missions he went on or showing photos of Rome.[93] Usually students would ask for private catechism classes if they were interested.[94] In early 1931, as stated by Laures, he had four apostolic students, Hoffmann seven, Eylenbosch also seven, and Hermann Heuvers, S.J. (1890–1977), “many.”[95] And according to insights of Johannes B. Kraus, S.J. (1892–1946), to the structure of the university that was published in the twenty-five year anniversary book, the ideal student does not have to be Christian but following all the Ratio Studiarum, guidelines for students that had existed since the sixteenth century, might not be possible without a certain amount of faith that was required to perform “spiritual training.”[96] Even though he wrote of religious studies not being an integral part of the education and that the Ratio combines various areas—Kraus emphasized the adaptability of Jesuit education—he presented religion as the atmosphere and basis of a Jesuit school.[97]
The curriculum did not exclude teachings of patriotism and respect for the emperor, even though it was Western-oriented,[98] since the society believed that education is a way to recognize obligations and duty that arise from one’s position in human society.[99] However, this was only taken to a certain extent, e.g. when the thirtieth anniversary of the Meiji Restoration was celebrated and the Tokyo government asked all schools to organize a celebration, Sophia University’s response was that they would not celebrate it themselves but instead gave their students four days of holiday to visit the shrine and celebrate. Yet, they held celebrations for All Saints’ Day on the same day of the anniversary, 1 November.[100] In the aftermath of the Yasukuni incident (explained further in the section History of Sophia University 1928-1940) in which the university had to adopt more national rituals there still were not any classes offered on Japanese religion. However, in 1939 after the acquirement of Inoue Tetsujirō (1856–1944), who used to teach at the Imperial University, classes such as “Eastern Ethics and History of Eastern Ethics,” “Chinese Philosophy” and “Eastern Philosophy” were added to the curriculum.[101] Already in 1934, he had delivered a speech for the 1 November celebrations on “Japanese Spirit and Future Education” and he continued to shape the new adaptation of Japanese topics at the university.[102]
| Year | Teachers | Subjects |
|---|---|---|
| 1913 | Hoffmann Boucher Hillig Gettelmann Tsuchihashi Mizuno Shibata Okubo Tashiro | German English German English Ethics, Mathematics German Japanese, Kanbun German German |
| 1915 | Hoffmann Boucher Dahlmann Gettelmann Hillig McNeal Tsuchihashi | German, History of Philosophy English German Literature English, National Economics, Philosophy German, English, Commercial Mathematics, Commercial Geography English, English Literature Commercial Mathematics, Kanbun |
| 1920 | Hoffmann Boucher Dahlmann Gettelmann Keel Guash Tsuchihashi Mizuno Tashiro Shibata Ishikawa Kano +13 more | Ethics, German, English, Philosophy English German Literature Education, Epistemology, Psychology, German German Literature, English, Geography German Kanbun, Mathematics German, Logic German Japanese, Kanbun Insurance Theory Accounting Commercial Mathematic and Accounting related Subjects, Law, Transport Theory, Statistics |
| 1925 | Heuvers Gettelmann Keel Eylenbosch McNeal Overmans Robinson Tsuchihashi Mizuno Tashiro Shibata Ishikawa Kano +14 more | Ethics, Philosophy, German German Literature Geography, Arithmetic, German English, Latin English Psychology, Epistemology English Mathematics, Kanbun German German Japanese, Kanbun Insurance Theory Planning Theory Law, Commercial Mathematic and Accounting related Subjects, Economics, English Bookkeeping, Banking Theory |
Figure 6. Subjects and Classes at Sophia University – Excerpts of every five years plus the year of foundation, 1913-1925.[103]
Three years after the establishment of the university status, the department of commerce split into the department of commerce and the department of economics.[104] At the same time a professional evening school for economics and commerce was created. However, due to insufficiency of the student number the start of classes was delayed until April 1932.[105] Also, in 1932, the law department was opened.[106]The same year, the School of Journalism (Department of Journalism) was established. It was remodeled after programs at the London School of Journalism and the Hochschule für Zeitungswissenschaft in Zürich and adapted to the Japanese environment.[107] Students learned various topics of history, languages, politics, economics, philosophy and literature, within a study of three years. Specialization in four sections was considered: Political Department, Social Section, Economic and Commercial Department, Department for Art and Literature with special courses in criminology, sport, Cinema and Stage.[108] The teachers responsible for all new departments, as head of the faculty of commerce, were Heuvers (1931-1934, 1936-1940), Kraus (1935), and Tsuchihashi (1941-1945).[109]
The students participated in various extracurricular activities. By 1940, there were 16 student clubs, the first one reaching back to 1916, the Club of Mutual Harmony, where student listened to stories of their teachers[110]—probably the Christian classes that were held in the dormitories. The clubs included research themes in e.g. Anthropology, Economics, Philosophy, German Politics, but also sport activities such as horseback riding, football and table tennis. The school also opened music and theatre clubs at the beginning of the 1930s.[111] Sport activities took place in Chitose, the secondary location that was acquired in 1928.
An example for early teachings at Sophia University
A student notebook of 1921[112] available in the Sophia University’s Archives displays how the early lessons were executed. The full sentences and continuity portray the general teaching style of this time, i.e. the teacher reading out loud his own texts without requiring students’ action. As one of Hoffmann’s classes the course material covered various philosophers in different time periods and countries. Since the student’s notes were not written in a book from the start but rather bound together from various notebooks and loose pages, we can also see interruptions of the central topic by Latin declinations and German grammar.
The notebook starts with an overview of the geography of Europe around 1500 to continue with the philosophy of the medieval time in Europe and scholasticism. Here Anselm of Canterbury, a Benedictine Archbishop, often called the father of scholasticism, and Pierre Abelard, a French scholastic philosopher and theologian, are introduced. After an examination of Islamic philosophy, going over Avicenna—a Persian polymath and considered to be the first major Islamic thinker[113]—, Averroes—considered the final and most influential Muslim philosopher[114]— and Avempace—influenced Averroes, possibly his tutor[115]—, the notes’ focus returns to European thinkers like Thomas Aquinas—Dominican priest and scriptural theologian[116]—, Bonaventure, Ockham and John Duns Scotus—the four great philosophers of High scholasticism[117]. Diverging from the chronological order that is most likely due to the binding of the notes at a later point than disorder during teaching, a large segment of the book follows the beginnings of Greek philosophy with pre-socratic philosophers such as Anaximander—“author of the first surviving lines of Western philosophy”[118]—, Xenophanes of Colophon—most known for his critique of religion[119]—, Heraclitus of Ephesos—“the first Western philosopher to go beyond physical theory in search of metaphysical foundations and moral applications”[120]—, Pythagoras—mathematician, disciple of Anaximander and founder of the Pythagoreans[121]—, Empedocles—one of the most important Pre-Socratics, inventor of the four-element theory, who believed in a cosmic cycle of change[122]—and Anaxagoras—a natural philosopher and scientist[123]— to Socrates—best known for his method of question and answer, regarding awareness of absence of knowledge and pursuit of knowledge[124]—, Plato—mainly influenced by Socrates, considered one of the greatest ancient philosophers, blended multiple areas into an interconnected and systematic philosophy[125]—and Aristotle, who was a student of Plato but rejecting his theory of forms, considered the father of Western logic[126]. Following the Greek philosophers there is a time skip to the early modern period with a focus on Herbert of Cherbury—author of a treatise now called comparative religion[127]—, Thomas Hobbes—scholar of political thought, the problem of social and political order[128]—, Nicolas Malebranche—French philosopher and rationalist in the Cartesian tradition, Oratorian priest of the Catholic Church[129]—, Baruch de Spinoza—post-Cartesian philosopher, one of the major rationalists[130]—, John Locke—regarded as the founder of British Empiricism, made contributions to modern theories of limited, liberal government[131]—, David Hume—held skepticism over many philosophical areas, founder of theories in popular religion based on psychology[132]—and George Berkeley—one of the most famous British Empiricists, along Hume and Locke, theorist of vision an metaphysics[133]—before spending the rest of the class concentrating on Immanuel Kant, who determined the ultimate aim of philosophy, and theorized the doctrine of “transcendental idealism” and the ethical theory of “categorical imperative.”[134]
While the notes covered notable Augustinian philosophers, Augustine of Hippo, an important figure in the development of Western Christianity, was not a main protagonist in this class’ teachings. Instead, a broad overview of philosophers in different time periods and circumstances was provided.
History of Sophia University after establishment (1928-1940)
Until the 1930s most of the funds of the university came from the German Province of the Society of Jesus, later however, Sophia University did receive almost no funding, depending on tuition fees and “local gifts.”[135]
Acquired through an open competition among the university’s students the verses of the school song were written by a third-year student of the Philosophy Department Henmi Sadao. The song’s music was provided by Yamamoto Tadanao in 1932[136] in time for the opening of the new building (now building no. 1). Its celebration was widely advertised in the local newspaper (see Institutions).
As already discussed in Classes/Curriculum the university did not incorporate shrine worship into their lessons so that it came to the Yasukuni incident in 1932. Every year, since 1925, the military officer that was assigned to a school by the Military Ministry would take the students to the Yasukuni shrine to salute in respect of the war dead. However, due to their belief some Sophia University students refused, following Hoffmann’s advice. This was not well received by the government and it was decided that the honouring at the Yasukuni shrine would count not as a religious act but rather as an expression of loyalty and patriotism. So, the government demanded to incorporate this into the curriculum.[137] “The Minister of War … complained to the Minister of Education that Sophia University was having a subversive influence on the country.”[138] Therefore, another consequence was that the military authorities did not reassign any officers to the university and questioned the Ministry of Education’s approval of the university status. So, to defend their positions, the Ministry, the university and the Christian Church were allies in this conflict and were working together to prevent the withdrawal of the officer.[139] Even when the government made its decision and the university obliged to the shrine worship, the Military Ministry only assigned temporary officers. Regarding the appointment of new military officers, in March 1933 The Japan Advertiser reported that “The military authorities continue stern in their antipathy for two Roman Catholic schools in Tokyo. Sophia University and the Morning Star Middle School.”[140]
It was not until a year later the situation with the military improved.[141] Still, misrepresentation in the press resulted in public criticism that “Catholic schools were . . . hostile to the national sprit of Japan,” so that the university’s prestige suffered, and the number of applicants and students fell (number of students May 1932: 315, December 1933: 220).[142] Some students also transferred to other schools to avoid the punishment, i.e. privilege of shortened military service for the school term Spring 1933 was taken away.[143]
During the following years, the university decided to put more emphasis on the “Japanese spirit” and incorporate national rituals into school events. This sentiment arose to avoid further loss of prestige and prevent any problems with the local authorities. Most of the faculty during this time was Japanese or had studied Japan and the language before coming to work at Sophia University, and adaption might have been easier than for older generations. Finally, in 1936, after implementing more rituals into entrance ceremonies and festivals, the Vatican decided that shrine worship was considered an expression of national patriotism.[144]
In 1931, Heuvers and Laures launched the Catholic Information Center, a library of Christian books and magazines in Japanese. The Center was open to the public, residing in the former Takashima mansion.[145] From January 1931, the Takashima building was mainly used for apostolic activities. Heuvers and Laures held their catechetical courses and lectures on philosophy and theology in this building. In 1936, the former Takashima building was reopened as Kulturheim (see Institutions).[146] Apart from the Catholic Information Center, the main library was located on the first floor of building 1[147] and contained over 40.000 volumes in 1932.[148] An important person concerning the development of the library was Hans Müller (1892–1956). After his arrival in 1928, he became the chair of German Literature and “devoted his restless energy to the library . . . which he built up from very little to what it is now.”[149] He also contributed to Monumenta Nipponica from its beginning and acted as editor-in-chief of the Japanese Catholic Encyclopaedia in 1946 (see Publications for more information on Monumenta Nipponica and the Catholic Encycopaedia).[150]
In preparation for World War II, Sophia University was an active participant in spiritual mobilization. In 1937 they sent out pamphlets to Catholic churches, universities, and institutions around the world with the purpose of collecting funds for war and Navy Offices. The Japan Advertiser reported on the university as the most successful entity in Japan’s national spiritual mobilization: “The patriotic movement in the Catholic St. Sophia University, in which there is active participation by the whole of the student body and the Japanese faculty, is expected to make its largest contribution to the spiritual mobilization campaign by explaining Japan’s fight against Communism to university circles abroad. Friends in European and American universities will be urged to take every opportunity to reiterate the principles for which Japan is fighting.”[151]
The death of the first president Hoffmann happened in the same year, one year before the 25-year anniversary, and he was succeeded by Heuvers who under pressure of political developments gave his position to Tsuchihashi in 1940. This was a common occurrence under the New National Structure (shintaisei) according to which foreign bishops were replaced by Japanese, too.[152]
This photo shows Sophia University’s new building that was opened in 1932.
Sophia University’s professors at other schools
Almost immediately after the foundation of Sophia University the Jesuits started teaching part-time at other schools in Tokyo. Their popularity came from their language skills. It started with German language lessons at the German Dokkyo middle school in Sekiguchi by Hoffmann and Engelen, and at Rikugun Shikan Gakkō 陸軍士官学校 in Ichigaya, also Hoffmann, in 1914. In the same year, an arrangement with Tokyo Imperial University started when Keel started teaching German there (until 1917). In the next thirty years, five more professors taught at the university: Dahlmann—made full professor for German literature in 1920—; Jakob Overmans, S.J. (1874–1945), who took over Dahlmann’s position in 1924; Müller (started in 1938); McNeal (1918–1919); and Hoffmann. Except for McNeal who taught English literature, all taught German or German literature.[153]
Concerning other universities, Hoffmann also taught History of Philosophy at Nihon Daigaku in 1930 and German at Gaigodaigaku from 1916, with Boucher (French), and Guasch (Spanish). Takushoku University employed Kraus for lessons in Economics and Eylenbosch for Dutch, whereas Theodor Pockstaller, S.J. (1880–1926), started teaching German at Keio University in 1923.[154] Professors also held classes at Dokkyo Gakuen and the Military Academy.[155] The latter employed Boucher for French classes.[156]
Institutions: Kulturheim, Settlement, Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyūsho and other outreach efforts
Kulturheim: In 1936 the former Takashima mansion was renamed Kulturheim (“culture home”) where lectures and other events that were open to the public were held. One of these was a lecture series on Gregorian music with multiple speakers, e.g. composer Yamamoto Naotada 山本直忠 (1904–1965) and music critic Nomura Kōichi 野村光一 (1895–1988) in Autumn 1939.[157] Two years later the Kulturheim also became the residence of the “Foreign Language Center,” a new language school, where non-students and students alike could attend evening classes learning English, French, Spanish, Russian, German and Italian.[158]
Settlement: The Jōchi Catholic Settlement in Mikawashima was founded by Hugo Lassalle, S.J. (1898–1990), on 31 October 1931 for social service among the poor and to provide Sophia University’s students this possibility of social service.[159] In celebration of the opening the university arranged a concert in Hibiya Public Hall on 16 December, where three modern sonatas (by Hans Pfitzner, Ludwig Thuille and Egon Kornauth) were played.[160] The article the university provided to Japan Times stated that they want to bring “the students of Jochi University in touch with their destitute countrymen, that they might see their misery and take an interest in social work.”[161] Mikawashima was noted as one of the poorest suburbs by the university, most of the inhabitants were day laborers without warm clothing or funds for healthcare, many children were malnourished. The university stated: “Education of the intellect and perhaps still more of the heart is badly needed.”[162] The settlement included a “Children’s home for study and play, a kitchen for meals for the poor, (and) a dispensary and medical care.”[163] In the Children club activities took place twice a week in the afternoon—girls and boys on separate days—, the other days the children were free to use the settlement’s library. In 1933, they could supply thirty-nine children with a daily lunch while they taught manners, read from books, or told stories.[164] At first the Jesuits only offered medical consultations twice a week but obtained the permission for giving out medicine shortly after. Regarding religious teachings at the settlement the university stated that they would only instruct Catholicism upon the parents’ request and that “there is no pressure of any kind brought to bear upon those coming to the Settlement.”[165] However, the stories read or told to the children during lunchtime might have been set in a religious context. In 1936 Alois Michel, S.J. (1904–1994), took charge of the settlement but it was destroyed during the war.[166]
Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyūsho: The Catholic Information Center, that was founded in 1931 and held a library of Christian books and magazines in Japanese, evolved into the Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyūsho (“Christian Culture Research Institute”) in 1939. Just like before with the Information Center, Laures was the planner of this development. Anesaki Masaharu 姉崎正治 (1873–1949), the founder of Kirishitan studies and Chair of Religious studies at Tokyo Imperial University, was closely involved.[167] Other contributors were Murakami Naojirō 村上直次郎 (1868–1966), Yamamoto Shinjirō 山本信次郎 (1877–1942),[168] Kōda Shigetomo 幸田成友 (1873–1954), the Apostolic Delegate Archbishop Paolo Marella (1885–1984), Heuvers, and Kraus.[169] The reasons for the foundation were the importance of the Kirishitan era for the Jesuit mission but also the cultural and philological history of Japan, to engage more Christians in the analysis of the Kirishitan period that was dominated by non-Christian scholars and “there was a desire to foster collaborative research by Japanese and European scholars and thereby establish connections and cooperation with non-Christian circles.”[170] One of Laures achievements regarding the Research Institute is the acquisition of 23 of the 26 works of the Jesuit Mission Press in Kyushu between 1590 and 1611.[171]
Laures who arrived in Japan in 1928 and started teaching at Sophia University in 1930, “considered it his task to make Christian sociology known to a large public.”[172] He considered the scientific study of the Kirishitan period as an important task for a Catholic University in Japan.[173] As a doctorate in political science with a focus on political economy, he wrote scientific papers about social issues and a series of articles about the philosophical and economic problems of Marxism and Bolshevism. He often worked in collaboration with scholars like aforementioned Anesaki, Kōda of Tokyo University of Commerce and Matsuzaki Minoru 松崎實 (1897–1944).[174]
Other outreach efforts: Sophia University held various lectures on its grounds and outside, especially since the official establishment as a university and the opening of the new building in 1932, which were open to the public or upon registration. In celebration to the opening the Jesuits invited Albert Noelte (1885–1946), a German composer and Dean of the Institute of Music and Allied Arts in Chicago, to talk about the “Transformation of Western Music from the Beginning of the Christian Era to ‘present day’” (1932).[175] There were also lectures by professors of the Department of Economics, Hijikata Seibi 土方成美 (1890–1975), Maeda Tamon 前田多門 (1884–1962) and Ueda Teijirō 上田貞次郎 (1879–1940). A religious service held on 12 June by the Apostolic Delegate Edward Mooney (1882–1958) invited more than 800 attendees.[176]
The opening ceremony itself on 14 June was extensively reported in the media, especially The Japan Times. Various important politicians and representatives attended the celebration, e.g. the Minister of Education Hatoyama Ichirō, the Apostolic Delegate Mooney, Belgian Ambassador Baron de Bassompierre, German Charge d’Affaires Dr. von Erdmannsdorff and Dr. Wilhelm Gundert of the German-Japanese Society. The Keio University President Hayashi Kiroku gave a speech. As representative of the university Hoffmann emphasized in his speech especially: “The aims of Jochi Daigaku are based on the Catholic principal of obedience to authority, and loyalty to the Throne and the Country.”[177]
The celebrations also included concerts, plays and exhibitions, latter by the Department of Journalism.[178] The German department organized a Goethe evening with a lecture by Suita Junsuke 吹田順助 (1883–1963), who taught at Sophia and Tokyo Commercial University, on “Goethe and the Middle Class” and “Goethe’s conception of Life” by Müller. The singer Kinoshita Tamotsu 木下保 (1903–1982) sang three of Goethe’s songs: “Ganymed” (Schubert), “Wonne der Wehmut” (Beethoven), and “Erlkönig” (Schubert).[179] Another event included performances of “A Night at an Inn”, “Musuko”, “Kagayakeru mon” and a scene of “William Tell” by students in German, English and Japanese.[180]
Another event that received attention was the 25-year anniversary celebration in 1938. Speeches were given by Education Minister Araki Sadao, German Ambassador, Major-General Eugen Ott, Dr. Nakamura Shingo 中村進午, who was head of the faculty of commerce, Heuvers and Tsuchihashi. They also performed special rites for former teachers, including Hoffmann who died the year before. The teachers who had been working at the university since the beginning, i.e. Sakaeda Takei 栄田猛猪 (1879–1962), Tsuchihashi, Keel and Tashiro Mitsuo 田代光, received silver cups and certificates of honor at the reception. Hoffman had already received his cup before he had died.[181]
Sophia University professors regularly spoke at meetings of the Asia Club, e.g. Nakanishi Akira 中西旭NAME on “Asia Spirit in Nature and Society.”[182] the Nippon Cultural Federation[183], the Asiatic Society of Japan, e.g. a reading of his paper on birth control and its effects on the population by Kraus[184]—he was a member of the society—, the German East-Asiatic Society and the Philosophical Society of the Imperial University.[185] Eylenbosch, who spent his summers since 1921 in Karuizawa as the Chaplain of the St. Paul Catholic Church, undertook efforts outside of the Catholic community[186] and his preaching at the Church of the Sacred Heart, along with Nikolas Roggen, S.J. (1900–1961), Jules van Overmeeren, S.J. (1897–1977) , Kraus and Hans Hellweg, S.J. (1905–1988). He regularly gave speeches at the Foreign Teachers’ Association, e.g. 4 November 1938[187] and the Autumn meeting 1936,[188] where he held a lecture on old loan words of the Japanese language derived from foreign languages. These meetings were generally open to the public and advertised in The Japan Advertiser.
Besides exhibitions, e.g. by a group of Christian artists in Japan “forwarding the movement of a national Christian art,”[189] Sophia University organized multiple theatre performances, some of those written by Heuvers. The performance of the musical drama Gratia Hosokawa—the text was written by Heuvers, the music by Italian Superior of the Salesians Vincentio Cimati—in January 1940 told the story of a woman who defied tradition to become the first Japanese Christian woman. She was born in 1563 as the daughter of Akechi Mitsuhide, a retainer of Oda Nobunaga, and she became the wife of Hosokawa Tadaoka.[190] After her father led an attack against Nobunaga which he won but was then defeated by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Gratia was sent to exile where she learned about Christianity. When Ishida Mitsunari attempted to kidnap Gratia to convince her husband to fight the Tokugawa shogun, she committed suicide.[191] Bruno Bitter wrote about the play in a letter to the Jesuits in Germany: “Für die Katholiken insbesondere und solche, die ihnen nahestehen, war die Aufführung ein unvergessliches Erlebnis. Aber auch solche, die zum ersten Mal in die seelische Welt des Katholizismus traten, gestanden, nie ein Schauspiel von solcher Stimmung erlebt zu haben.“[192] (For Catholics in particular and those close to them, the performance was an unforgettable experience. But also, those who entered the spiritual world of Catholicism for the first time admitted never to have seen a spectacle of such atmosphere.)
Students formed the exchange club and “Deutscher Ring” in 1934 and organized meetings between German graduates, who came to Japan to learn the language and civilization, and Japanese students learning German. They also created an “English Speaking Society.” Additionally, evening courses in German language and literature were offered for students from other universities, and summer courses with German scholars who travelled Japan were implemented.[193]
Outside Japan: One of the efforts the university undertook with the purpose of promoting interest in Japanese culture abroad, was a collection of 240 poems translated into German of the Meiji Emperor, 30 by Heuvers and 210 by Kita Reikichi 北昤吉—founder of the Tama Art University, he was voted into the House of Representatives in 1936 as an independent; he was also a philosopher, critic and educator—, that was presented to fifty persons in Germany and Italy, including Adolf Hitler and Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini, and libraries around the world, e.g. Harvard University Library, in 1939.[194]
Another effort in 1939 involved the translation into German of “Ochimura” by Motoichi Kumagaya, a story about the farm life in the village Ochimura that was requested by the former German Agricultural Minister (and former German Ambassador in Washington) Hans Luther.[195] In 1934 did Sophia University create a collection of Japanese pictures that were exhibited in larger cities.[196]
A book written by Professor Dahlmann and published in Germany. It was not used for teaching but rather contains Dahlmann’s experiences during his travels in Asia before teaching at Sophia University to provide a better understanding of Japan in Germany.
Publications: textbooks and other books published by the university, Catholic Encyclopaedia, Monumenta Nipponica
Publishing activities at Sophia University started with the foundation of the school. A printing press was already acquired in June 1912, before the foundation of the university, and a small printshop created.[197] The founders also built a wood-working shop where three carpenters made all school furniture—the only school in Japan which did that.[198] Many of the books that were first published at Sophia University were textbooks the teachers wrote themselves or collected stories e.g. to use for German language classes.
This book contains short stories in German about various topics by unknown authors such as geography, e.g. “The Niagara Falls (Die Niagarafälle, pp. 31-33), work related themes, e.g. “A Teardrop” (Eine Träne, pp. 2-4), and legends, e.g. “Siegfriedsage” (Niebelung Tale, pp. 33-35) used for German language education.
This book contains fables and other tales in German by various authors such as “The Crow and the Fox” by Lessing (“Der Rabe und der Fuchs”, pp. 6-7) and “Bodensee” by August Berthelt (pp. 24-26) used for German language education
This book contains explanations to the German grammar, i.e. conjugation of verbs, used for German language education
Catholic Encyclopaedia (Katorikku daijiten): Various translations, explanations of the bible and Protestant encyclopedias already existed in Japanese to counteract ignorance and prejudice against Catholicism because there were no “reliable” books that taught the Catholic thought and culture, Pope Pius XII (then Cardinal Pacelli) wrote to Max von Küenburg on 22 December 1934 with the intent on creating a Catholic Encyclopaedia.[199] He stated that this task fulfilled the purpose of the university to promote the development of education and studies in Japan.[200] One year later the editorial work started and Kraus spent most of the year and the following in Europe looking for contributors.[201] As preparation “A Glossary of Catholic Terms” was written in 1937 to standardize the terminology. In 1938 Kraus asked the Franciscan Titus Ziegler, who previously translated “Missale Romanum” into Japanese, for his cooperation. Apart from the university’s professors Küenburg, Müller and Yoshimitsu Yoshihiko, other contributors were Anesaki, Uyeda Tatsunosuke of Commercial University of Tokyo, Yamamoto, Sayeki Yoshiro of the Eastern Culture Research Institute, Shibuta Kosaku of Kyoto Imperial University, Murakami, and various non-Japanese scholars.[202] In the same year the project was advertised in the media and it was announced that the first volume would be published by Fuzanbo Publishing Company the next year.[203] However, the first volume was not issued until 1940. All 3000 copies were sold out after two months.[204] The fifth and last volume was published in 1960.
Monumenta Nipponica: Already before the foundation of the university in 1912, Dahlmann encouraged creating a journal for various scientific topics and to promote the university: Es “soll—und das scheint mir von großer Wichtigkeit—gleich eine Zeitschrift ins Leben gerufen werden, welche nach jeder Seite hin die wissenschaftlichen Felder repräsentiert, die auf der Universität gelehrt werden sollen. Wir müssen gleich darauf ausgehen, mit einer großen, tüchtigen Zeitschrift vor die wissenschaftliche und studierende Welt in Japan hinzutreten.”[205] (It is necessary—and this seems to me to be of great importance—to create a journal that represents the scientific fields that are to be taught at the university. We must immediately start to approach the scientific and studying world in Japan with a large, efficient journal.) Peter Milward wrote that the task was officially entrusted to Sophia University in 1936 by the General during Kraus’ visit in Rome.[206]
Founded in 1938, Monumenta Nipponica gained supporters in the Kokusai Bunka Shinkōkai (KBS) and Harada Foundation[207] and had 200 subscribers by the end of 1938. Gaining interest from the government’s side, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Japan Cultural Society bought 200 copies of every issue.[208] The first issue of Monumenta Nipponica was released in 1938; the first pages of the issue written by Kraus identify the aims and objectives of the journal: “The establishment of the journal needs to be understood as part of a broader effort to make the activities of the Jesuits known to Japanese intellectual leaders, which, it was expected, would enhance the reputation of the Society of Jesus, further its mission, and in particular benefit its new university in Japan.”[209] The plan to release four issues per year was not realized in the early years in which the journal appeared biannually[210] interrupted by the suspension during the war.[211] In 1940, the first volume of the Monographs series was published.[212]
Evaluation: Media Reports, Internationalization, Achieved goals
Already in 1925, Jiji newsletter, a non-Catholic publication in Tokyo, wrote about Sophia University: “The number of students is small, but its course of studies is excellent.” While the close living quarters of the professors might prove to be efficient to carry out their duties, some of the students were not so thrilled: “If a person is absent or tardy, they notice it at once, and we are called to task and punished; we certainly are persecuted.”[213] The students also called Hoffmann “The Lion” because of his strictness.[214]
The Jesuits had already gained admiration for their qualities as teachers in Europe. In 1927, they were called “heaven-sent” in local media.[215] The same article describes them as “the most successful of all Christian missionaries,” attracting Japanese by their international character.[216] Even during the aftermath of the Yasukuni shrine incident the Japan Times took a protective stance: “In planning and organizing Jochi, in collaboration with Japanese authorities, the Jesuits have aimed from the beginnings to develop it as a representative Japanese university. This is one of the problems that have been successfully worked out during the early years of its growth. The university to-day is thus a mature product of Japanese and Jesuit educational experience, and one that is fully representative of national life.”[217]
Internationalization is defined by Mataix as a multidimensional term that needs to be considered regarding multiple areas: The Ability to Use Foreign Languages, The Ability to Move in International Circles, The Ability to Understand Other Cultures, The Ability to Have International Exchanges, The Ability to Acknowledge Human Solidarity.[218] All of these areas were covered by the teachers at Sophia University in pre-war Japan. They used multiple foreign languages for instruction and provided additional language classes. The Society of Jesus was already a well-established international circle and the school built relationships with non-Christian experts within Japan and abroad. They were constantly working towards an improvement as “from the very start, East-West cultural exchange has been considered one of its (Sophia University’s) chief reasons for existence; this has brought an international organization of its faculty, an emphasis on thorough mastery of foreign languages, and the publication of scientific journals in many different languages besides Japanese.”[219] As one of the principles of Jesuit education the educators were instructing to look outside of boundaries and understand one’s place within a society. In general, the professors had lengthy university training in Germany, England, or America,[220] thus an ability, the willingness to understand other cultures and experience in adapting to the environment.[221] International exchanges were established when the university sent their graduates to foreign universities—mostly Germany—to deepen their studies. They also planned travels overseas and created their first official student exchange program in 1935 with Georgetown University—the initiative was taken when students of the Sophia University Car Club travelling through the U.S. visiting American universities.[222] Human Solidarity is also reflected in the Jesuit principles and they were actively working towards the betterment of people outside of their own circle. The international character was strengthened through graduates of the university generally finding employment at foreign commercial companies due to their language skills or seek further study of German literature.[223]
Even though in the early Meiji era the internationalization in education was popular—many higher educational institutions hiring foreign consultants and organizing travels overseas—Sophia University’s approach came from a different angle. The founders brought internationality with them before even establishing the school. This was also the case for other schools that were founded by foreigners, i.e. Christian missionaries. While Sophia University could fully fulfil their internationalization, Japanese institutions did not have already established world-wide connections so that their internationalization did not reach a similar degree until after World War II, and so in pre-war Japan Sophia University “was something of a rarity in Japan.”[224]
With publishing the Catholic Encyclopaedia, and the New Catholic Encyclopaedia the work to which began right after the issuance of the last volume in 1960, and the establishment of an official representation of the Society of Jesus in Japan, the general aims that were set before the foundation of the school were fulfilled. After gaining the university status the university was comparable with other Japanese universities. Their outreach efforts inside and outside of Japan, forming bonds with experts of various fields, placed them as equals in the philosophical and other scientific discourses. Even though the Jesuits always denied using the classroom to convey the Catholic worldview they wanted their students to adopt the Jesuit principles and showed disappointment over disinterest in receiving catechistic lectures. While the Sophia University founders did not hide their religious beliefs and presented solely as scholars, they did act discreetly in their apostolic activities that usually occurred in closed settings and in small numbers.
In Sophia University’s 25-year Anniversary Book, Kraus explains: “Seitdem die Jochi Daigaku den Status einer staatlich anerkannten Privat-Universität hat, gleicht ihr offizielles Lehrprogramm dem jeder anderen Universität mit gleichen Fakultäten, mit dem Unterschied allerdings, daß sie reichlichere und bessere Möglichkeiten zum Studium der deutschen und englischen Sprache bietet als anderswo.”[225] (Since Jochi Daigaku has the status of a state-approved private university, its official curriculum is similar to that of any other university with the same faculties, with the difference that it offers more and better opportunities to study German and English than elsewhere.)
Conclusion
As one out of four full-fledged Christian universities in pre-war Japan—also Dōshisha, Rikkyō, and Kwansei Gakuin[226]—, Sophia University was already an uncommon school in the Japanese educational environment. Additionally, it was the only university in Japan that was run by the Society of Jesus which was respected for its accomplishments in education. Fewer students than expected entered the school so that a personal learning environment could be created. However, similar to other schools’ teaching methods in the first half of the twentieth century, Sophia University’s professors only held lectures with minimal student involvement. Due to the multinational faculty the university developed multiple language programs and opened a language center providing students and later non-students with opportunities of language acquisition. Other schools also recognized this so that they hired the professors to teach language related classes at their institutions.
Every decade Sophia University experienced a setback. Whereas the temporary loss of funds during World War I and the position of Germans as enemies brought only minor problems, the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 as well as hyperinflation in Germany and the Yasukuni shrine incident in 1932 caused major complications that needed to be resolved. When the earthquake destroyed the school building and all funds that were collected in Germany for the gain of the official university status were lost, it took several years to overcome these consequences. Through connections to Rome and loans the university was able to obtain its university status in 1928 and the new school building was opened in 1932. However, in the same year when students of the university refused to worship at Yasukuni shrine and the Ministry of War questioned the school and the decision of the Ministry of Education to grant the university status, Sophia University had to quickly adapt and implement more national rituals into its curriculum. Misrepresentation in the media further damaged the school’s prestige and it experienced a loss in students in the following years—the student numbers only recovered in the late 1930s.
Through publishing activities, especially of Monumenta Nipponica and Catholic Encyclopaedia, the establishment of the institutions Christian Culture Research Institute and Kulturheim as well as other outreach efforts, that included lecture series, cultural events and translations, the university did not only establish a stable position in the Japanese research community but also used its international network to promote the link of Japan with Europe and America, notably Germany.
The Society of Jesus already had established a world-wide network the founders of the university could rely on before arriving in Japan. Therefore, the university had a head start when it came to internationalization. The challenge was rather the incorporation of Japan into their system of principles and belief. The Jesuits’ adaptation showed that it was flawed when they did not incorporate national practices, they previously did not consider due to their religious beliefs. Where the university achieved its educational and social goals—due to the standard of classes and opportunities of social and civic service—without breaking the Jesuit principles, encouraging the students to Christian belief seemed less successful.
In this research only the situation of Sophia University and the Jesuits in the Japanese education system was analyzed. Further study would invite the examination of the difference in development between Sophia University and other Christian universities in Japan or a direct comparison between Sophia University and a Japanese founded private university.
Endnotes
[1] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 22.
[2] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 25.
[3] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 22.
[4] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 132.
[5] Kreiner 2016, p. 208.
[6] Dahlmann, Schatz 2010, p. 568.
[7] Dahlmann, Schatz 2010, p. 568.
[8] Dahlmann, Schatz 2010, p. 569.
[9] Laures 1954, p. 240.
[10] Geppert 1993, p. 5.
[11] Cited by Schatz 2010, p. 570.
[12] Cited by Schatz 2010, p. 586.
[13] Nakai 2017, p. 84.
[14] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 117.
[15] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 127.
[16] Kokuritsu kyōiku seisaku kenkyūjo 2011, p. 2.
[17] Hayes 1997, p. 298.
[18] Kokuritsu kyōiku seisaku kenkyūjo 2011, p. 3.
[19] Hayes 1997, p. 298.
[20] Hayes 1997, p. 298.
[21] Nakai 2013, p. 2.
[22] Nakai 2013, p. 2.
[23] MEXT “The University Order and The Growth of Universities.”
[24] Zha 2004, p. 3.
[25] Hayes 1997, p. 298.
[26] MEXT “Reforms in Higher Schools”; Milward 1989, p. 66.
[27] Geppert 1993, p. 81.
[28] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 26.
[29] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 44.
[30] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 47.
[31] Kang-Yup 2009, pp. 47-48.
[32] “Seven Characteristics of Jesuit Colleges and Universities: How to Strengthen our Catholic and Jesuit Identity” 2012, p. 39.
[33] Kang-Yup 2009, pp. 30-31.
[34] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 34.
[35] Kang-Yup 2009, p. 39.
[36] Dahlmann 1980, p. 214.
[37] Dahlmann 1980, p. 212.
[38] Dahlmann 1980, p. 212.
[39] Milward 1989, pp. 56-57.
[40] Dahlmann 1980, p. 214.
[41] Dahlmann 1980, pp. 214-215.
[42] Dahlmann 1980, p. 215.
[43] Geppert 1993, p. 27.
[44] Dahlmann 1980, p. 215.
[45] Milward 1989, p. 58.
[46] Geppert 1993, p. 8.
[47] Geppert 1993, p.24.
[48] Geppert 1993, p.25.
[49] Wessels 2020, p. 7.
[50] Geppert 1993, p. 43.
[51] Milward 1989, p.59.
[52] Geppert 1993, p. 39.
[53] Geppert 1993, p. 43.
[54] Geppert 1993, p. 27.
[55] Geppert 1993, p. 41.
[56] Geppert 1993, p. 47.
[57] Nakai 2017, p. 84.
[58] Geppert 1993, p. 49.
[59] Nakai 2017, p. 89.
[60] Milward 1989, p. 63.
[61] Hoffmann 1934, p.7.
[62] Milward 1989, p. 62.
[63] Geppert 1993, p. 45.
[64] Milward 1989, p. 62.
[65] Sophia University “Origins of the School Name; the School Emblem and School Flag; the School Colors and School Song” 2016.
[66] Milward 1989, p. 61.
[67] Jōchi daigaku sōritsu 100-shūnen kinenshi kikaku 1982, p. 47.
[68] Milward 1989, p. 61.
[69] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 2013, p. 44.
[70] Milward 1989, p. 60.
[71] Milward 1989, p. 64.
[72] Geppert 1993, foreword.
[73] Newbury 1940, p. 4.
[74] Milward 1989, pp. 65-66.
[75] “In Retrospect,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[76] Milward 1989, p. 65-66.
[77] Milward 1989, p. 66.
[78] Geppert 1993, p. 80.
[79] Geppert 1993, pp. 79-80.
[80] Geppert 199e, p. 81.
[81] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, p. 17.
[82] Nakai 2017, p. 109.
[83] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, pp. 39-46.
[84] Geppert 1993, p. 80.
[85] Geppert 1993, p. 81.
[86] Nakai 2017, p. 84.
[87] Geppert 1993, p. 81.
[88] Nakai 2013, p. 3.
[89] MEXT “Reforms in Teaching Methods.”
[90] Nakai 2017, p. 96.
[91] “Distinguished Japanese and Diplomats Attend Opening of New Jochi University Building,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[92] Nakai 2017, pp. 94-95.
[93] Laures 1931, pp. 124-125.
[94] Laures 1931, p. 126.
[95] Laures 1931, p. 127.
[96] Kraus “Menschenbild und Menschenbildung nach der Ratio Studiorum der Gesellschaft Jesu” 1938, p. 35.
[97] Kraus “Menschenbild und Menschenbildung nach der Ratio Studiorum der Gesellschaft Jesu”1938, p. 20.
[98] Nakai 2017, p. 97.
[99] Nakai 2017, p. 98.
[100] Nakai 2017, p. 99.
[101] Nakai 2017, p. 109.
[102] Nakai 2017, pp. 110.
[103] Jōchi daigaku sōritsu 100-shūnen kinenshi kikaku 1982, pp. 34, 39, 43, 44; Nakai 2013, 16.
[104] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, p. 66.
[105] Geppert 1993, p. 82.
[106] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, p. 64.
[107] “Sophia School of Journalism Unique,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p.3.
[108] “Sophia School of Journalism Unique,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p.3.
[109] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, pp. 68-69.
[110] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, p. 154.
[111] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, pp. 154-159.
[112] Moriya, 1921.
[113] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Avicenna (Ibn Sina) (c. 980–1037).”
[114] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Ibn Rushd (Averroes) (1126–1198).”
[115] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Avicenna (Ibn Sina) (c. 980–1037).”
[116] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Thomas Aquinas (1224/6–1274).”
[117] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “John Duns Scotus (1266–1308).”
[118] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Anaximander (c. 610–546 B.C.E.).”
[119] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Xenophanes (c. 570–c. 478 B.C.E.).”
[120] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Heraclitus (fl. c. 500 B.C.E.).”
[121] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Pythagoras (c. 570–c. 495 B.C.E.).”
[122] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Empedocles (c. 492–432 B.C.E.).”
[123] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Anaxagoras (c. 500–428 B.C.E.).”
[124] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Socrates (469–399 B.C.E.).”
[125] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Plato (427–347 B.C.E.).”
[126] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Aristotle (384 B.C.E.–322 B.C.E.).”
[127] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Edward Herbert of Cherbury (1583–1648).”
[128] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Thomas Hobbes: Moral and Political Philosophy.”
[129] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Nicolas Malebranche: Religion.”
[130] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Benedict De Spinoza (1632–1677).”
[131] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “John Locke (1632–1704).”
[132] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “David Hume (1711–1776).”
[133] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “George Berkeley (1685–1753).”
[134] Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy “Immanuel Kant.”
[135] Newbury 1940, p. 4.
[136] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 2013, p. 43.
[137] Nakai 2017, pp. 84-85.
[138] Milward 1989, p. 67.
[139] Nakai 2017, p. 101.
[140] “Catholic Schools Still Anger Army,” The Japan Advertiser, 1933.3.21, p.3.
[141] Nakai 2017, p. 102.
[142] Milward 1989, p. 67.
[143] “Catholic Schools Still Anger Army,” The Japan Advertiser, 1933.3.21, p.3.
[144] Nakai 2017, p. 103.
[145] Geppert 1993, p. 95.
[146] Geppert 1993, p. 95.
[147] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 2013, p. 47.
[148] “In Retrospect,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[149] Cieslik 1956/57, p. 169.
[150] Cieslik 1956/57, p. 169.
[151] “Catholics Joining in Spiritual Drive” The Japan Advertiser, 1937.10.28, p. 8.
[152] Geppert 1993, p. 93.
[153] Geppert 1993, Annex pp. 3-4; Nakai 2013, p. 16.
[154] Geppert 1993, Annex p. 4.
[155] Milward 1989, p. 61.
[156] Nakai 2013, p. 16.
[157] Pringsheim 1939, p. 8.
[158] “Social and General,” The Japan Times and Advertiser, 1941.11.11, p.6.
[159] Milward 1989, p. 69.
[160] “Concert for Sophia University Work,” Japan Times, 1933.12.3, p. 8.
[161] Sophia University 1933, p. 5.
[162] Sophia University 1933, p. 5.
[163] Geppert 1993, p. 95.
[164] Sophia University 1933, p. 5.
[165] Sophia University 1933, p. 5.
[166] Milward 1989, p. 69.
[167] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, pp. 26-27.
[168] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, p. 142.
[169] “Scholars Organize New Research Body,” The Japan Advertiser, 1939.3.31, p. 3.
[170] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, p. 28.
[171] Fujii 1940, p. 6.
[172] Cieslik 1959/60, p. 210.
[173] Cieslik 1959/60, p. 214.
[174] Cieslik 1959/60, p. 210.
[175] “University to Open Academic Building,” Japan Times, 1932.5.25, p. 3.
[176] “Celebrations Last an Entire Week,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[177] “New Jochi Daigaku Building Opened,” Japan Times, 1932.6.15, p. 1.
[178] “Program for Completion of Jochi Daigaku – New Building to Be Presented on Tuesday,” Japan Times, 1932.6.12, p. 1.
[179] “Celebrations Last an Entire Week,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[180] “Celebrations Last an Entire Week,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[181] “Sophia University Observing Jubilee,” The Japan Advertiser, 1938.11.1, p.3.
[182] “Social and General,” The Japan Advertiser, 1934.3.24, p.5.
[183] “Social and General,” The Japan Advertiser, 1934.2.14, p.5.
[184] “Kraus Would Stop Population Slump,” The Japan Advertiser, 1937.10.28, p. 3.
[185] Geppert 1993, p. 45.
[186] Newbury 1940, p. 4.
[187] “Social and General,” The Japan Advertiser, 1938.10.22, p. 5.
[188] “Social and General,” The Japan Advertiser, 1936.11.20, p. 5.
[189] Hildebrand 1932, p. 3.
[190] “Life of Brave Madame Hosokawa Depicted in Tokyo Opera Soon,” Japan Times, 1940.1.17, p. 1.
[191] Pringsheim 1940, p. 3.
[192] Bitter 1940, pp. 525-526
[193] Hoffmann 1934, p. 7.
[194] “Emperor Meiji’s Poems Translated into German,” Japan Times, 1939.6.5, p. 3.
[195] “Germans Will Learn of Japanese Farmers,” Japan Times, 1939.2.22, p. 2.
[196] Hoffmann 1934, p. 7.
[197] Kimura 1989, p. 281.
[198] Newbury 1940, p. 4.
[199] Kimura 1989, p. 284.
[200] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, p. 126.
[201] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, p. 9.
[202] Jōchi daigaku-shi shiryōshū hensan iinkai 1985, p. 129; “Catholic Lexicon To Be Published Next April By Sophia University,” Japan Times, 1938.8.27, p. 2.
[203] “Catholic Lexicon To Be Published Next April By Sophia University,” Japan Times, 1938.8.27, p. 2.
[204] Kimura 1989, p. 283.
[205] Dahlmann 1980, p. 218.
[206] Kimura 1989, p. 185.
[207] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, p. 18.
[208] Kimura 1989, p. 285.
[209] Kraus 1938, p. 1-2.
[210] Kimura 1989, p. 285.
[211] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, p. 35.
[212] Gramlich-Oka, Sanders, Tanaka 2020, p. 39.
[213] Jōchi daigaku sōritsu 100-shūnen kinenshi kikaku 1982, p. 298.
[214] Jōchi daigaku sōritsu 100-shūnen kinenshi kikaku 1982, p. 299.
[215] “The Power and Charm of the Catholic Missions,” Japan Times, 1927.8.7, p. 2.
[216] “The Power and Charm of the Catholic Missions,” Japan Times, 1927.8.7, p. 2.
[217] “Jochi Product of Jesuits, Japanese,” Japan Times, 1932.6.25, p. 3.
[218] Mataix 1989, pp. 90-92.
[219] Luhmer 1959, p. 2.
[220] Hoffmann 1934, p. 7.
[221] Hoffmann 1934, p. 7.
[222] “Japanese Students to Tour U.S. by Car,” The Japan Advertiser, 1934.6.28, p. 3.
[223] Jōchi daigaku sōritsu 100-shūnen kinenshi kikaku, p. 299.
[224] Mataix 1989, p. 87.
[225] Kraus “Menschenbild und Menschenbildung nach der Ratio Studiorum der Gesellschaft Jesu” 1938, p. 11.
[226] Nakai 2017, p. 99.
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